The account of Dinka religion in comparative reference works rests substantially on one mid twentieth century study. Godfrey Lienhardt, a British anthropologist who conducted fieldwork among the Dinka of what is now South Sudan in the 1940s and 1950s, published Divinity and Experience: The Religion of the Dinka in 1961, arguing that Dinka religious language describes experience as something that seizes a person from outside rather than as an inner state the person generates. On this reading, Nhialic, Divinity, and the free divinities such as Deng and Garang are not simply worshipped; they are what a Dinka person names when accounting for why a particular experience, a sudden illness, a birth, a fit of possession, happened to them and not to someone else.
Lienhardt's framing shaped how later scholars distinguished Dinka thought from a straightforward pantheon of separate gods, since the free divinities are understood partly as recurring patterns of affliction identified by a diagnostician rather than as fixed persons with settled biographies the way Greek or Egyptian gods are described. This has made Dinka religion a frequently cited case in the broader argument over whether comparative religion's own vocabulary of gods and worship fits non Mediterranean traditions well, or imposes a shape that is not native to them. Cattle, central to Dinka life, remain the primary vehicle of sacrifice and prayer in the tradition as documented.