Most named religious women from the classical Greek world survive only in a single late literary anecdote, which is exactly the evidentiary problem this atlas records honestly for other figures of the period. Lysimache is a different case. Her tenure is fixed by an inscription, IG II^2 3453, carved in her own city not long after or even during her own lifetime, and reinforced by Pliny the Elder's report, drawing on earlier Greek sources now lost, of a portrait statue made of her by the sculptor Demetrios. Epigraphy and art-historical testimony of this kind, contemporary or near-contemporary with its subject, is a materially stronger evidentiary footing than the doxographical chains, often written centuries after the fact, that carry most named individuals from this period, which is why her historicity is recorded attested rather than debated.
A further identification, now the dominant reading in modern scholarship since a 1955 proposal by the classicist D. M. Lewis, connects Lysimache to Aristophanes' comedy Lysistrata, staged in 411 BCE, a year in which Lysimache is independently placed in the priesthood by the length of her recorded tenure. The two names share a root: Lysimache means "dissolver of battle," Lysistrata "dissolver of armies," and the play's heroine, who leads Athenian women in seizing the Acropolis and the state treasury it housed, occupies precisely the physical and institutional territory Lysimache oversaw as Athena's priestess. Scholars who accept the identification read Aristophanes as deliberately lending his comic heroine some of the real priestess's civic authority and her association with the goddess, rather than inventing an anti-war heroine from nothing. The identification remains an interpretive argument about authorial intent, not a documented fact about the play's composition, and is presented here as the widely held scholarly reading it is rather than as settled history.