The Sabbath is unusual among religious practices in having become a labour demand, and the transfer is direct rather than analogical.
The commandment frames rest as a right extended downward. It names sons and daughters, male and female servants, livestock and the resident foreigner, and one biblical version grounds the whole obligation in the memory of slavery in Egypt. It is a prohibition on requiring others to work at least as much as on working oneself, and that is the part later movements picked up.
Nineteenth-century campaigns for a weekly day off, and then for a shorter week, drew explicitly on that language in Britain and the United States, where Sabbatarian societies and the early labour movement overlapped substantially even when they disliked one another. The two-day weekend emerged in part from the practical problem of accommodating Jewish workers who would not work Saturday alongside Christian ones who would not work Sunday, which is a small institutional fact with very large consequences.
Sunday trading laws are the residue and are still contested. Britain retains restrictions on large-shop opening in reduced form; several European countries maintain far stronger closure rules, defended by trade unions on entirely secular grounds; the United States repealed most of its blue laws through the later twentieth century.
The argument now is mostly not religious. The case made for a protected common day off is that a rest day only works if it is the same day for everybody, because staggered leisure produces free time without producing shared time, and shared time is what the institution was for. That is a secular argument with a scriptural shape, and the people making it on both sides generally know it.