Divinity Atlas

Sacred Correspondences
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Divinity Atlas

Disputed Statements

Claims this atlas currently marks as unsettled or as tested and found false. A debated fact is one scholars hold competing positions on; a debunked one has been checked against the record and found not to hold. Both are kept in view rather than quietly smoothed over, with the reasoning that put each one where it stands.

3,862 statements.

The Srebrenica Genocide, Death Toll Maximum8372.000000

The Srebrenica Genocide, Religious Events

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Maximum

Currently States 8372.000000

The figure inscribed at the Potocari Memorial, 8,372, noted on the memorial itself as "not final". The International Commission on Missing Persons own current assessment describes the toll as just over 8,000, with between 8,000 and 8,100 having gone missing from the fall of the enclave, so the two figures reflect an evolving identification count rather than a genuine scholarly dispute over scale.

Source International Commission on Missing Persons, "Srebrenica Genocide" (icmp.int), International Commission on Missing Persons

The Srebrenica Genocide, Displaced (Low Estimate)25000.000000

The Srebrenica Genocide, Religious Events

Standing

Concerns Displaced (Low Estimate)

Currently States 25000.000000

Accounts of the number of Bosniak women, children and elderly forcibly transported out of Srebrenica in July 1995 vary between roughly 25,000 and 30,000 across UN and tribunal sources; this atlas records both ends of the commonly cited range rather than a single number no source has settled on.

Source International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, "ICTY Remembers: The Srebrenica Genocide (1995-2015)" (irmct.org), International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals

The Srebrenica Genocide, Displaced (High Estimate)30000.000000

The Srebrenica Genocide, Religious Events

Standing

Concerns Displaced (High Estimate)

Currently States 30000.000000

See displaced-min. The same range of forcibly transported Bosniak women, children and elderly, commonly cited as 25,000 to 30,000 across UN and International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia accounts of the July 1995 expulsion.

Source International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, "ICTY Remembers: The Srebrenica Genocide (1995-2015)" (irmct.org), International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals

The Sri Lankan Civil War (1983 to 2009), Death Toll Minimum80000.000000

The Sri Lankan Civil War (1983 to 2009), Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Minimum

Currently States 80000.000000

The United Nations' own estimate issued shortly after the war's May 2009 end put total deaths across the full twenty-six year conflict at eighty to one hundred thousand; this is that estimate's lower bound, not a claim the true total falls no higher.

Source Casualties of the Sri Lankan Civil War (Wikipedia), Wikipedia contributors

The Sri Lankan Civil War (1983 to 2009), Death Toll Maximum100000.000000

The Sri Lankan Civil War (1983 to 2009), Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Maximum

Currently States 100000.000000

The same United Nations post-war estimate's upper bound for the full twenty-six year conflict; independent researchers and human rights organizations have offered comparable or higher figures, and no single reconciled count has superseded this range.

Source Casualties of the Sri Lankan Civil War (Wikipedia), Wikipedia contributors

The Sri Lankan Civil War (1983 to 2009), Death Toll AssessmentThe United Nations' own post-war estimate put the full war's toll at eighty to one hundred thousand deaths across its twenty-six years. A separate and narrower figure, the Secretary-General's Panel of Experts' 2011 finding that credible sources put civilian deaths as high as forty thousand in the war's final months alone, measures a different quantity, the acute final-phase civilian toll rather than the whole war's combatant and civilian dead combined, and is named here rather than folded into the war-wide bounds. Sri Lanka has never conducted its own comprehensive casualty count.

The Sri Lankan Civil War (1983 to 2009), Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Assessment

Currently States The United Nations' own post-war estimate put the full war's toll at eighty to one hundred thousand deaths across its twenty-six years. A separate and narrower figure, the Secretary-General's Panel of Experts' 2011 finding that credible sources put civilian deaths as high as forty thousand in the war's final months alone, measures a different quantity, the acute final-phase civilian toll rather than the whole war's combatant and civilian dead combined, and is named here rather than folded into the war-wide bounds. Sri Lanka has never conducted its own comprehensive casualty count.

Source Casualties of the Sri Lankan Civil War (Wikipedia), Wikipedia contributors

The Sri Lankan Civil War (1983 to 2009), Religious DimensionBartholomeusz's academic study documents how the medieval chronicle the Mahavamsa's account of Sri Lanka as a dharmadwipa, an island entrusted with preserving the Buddha's teaching, was invoked by Buddhist monks and Sinhala nationalist politicians to justify military solutions over power-sharing, framing the war as a defense of Buddhism as much as of the state. The war's underlying cause was ethnic and linguistic, a Sinhala-Tamil conflict rooted in post-independence language and land policy rather than doctrinal dispute, and the Tamil side fought under an explicitly secular nationalist movement rather than a religious one; Bartholomeusz's own argument is that the religious framing was a genuine and consequential feature of how the war was justified on the Sinhala Buddhist side specifically, not that religion caused the war.

The Sri Lankan Civil War (1983 to 2009), Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Religious Dimension

Currently States Bartholomeusz's academic study documents how the medieval chronicle the Mahavamsa's account of Sri Lanka as a dharmadwipa, an island entrusted with preserving the Buddha's teaching, was invoked by Buddhist monks and Sinhala nationalist politicians to justify military solutions over power-sharing, framing the war as a defense of Buddhism as much as of the state. The war's underlying cause was ethnic and linguistic, a Sinhala-Tamil conflict rooted in post-independence language and land policy rather than doctrinal dispute, and the Tamil side fought under an explicitly secular nationalist movement rather than a religious one; Bartholomeusz's own argument is that the religious framing was a genuine and consequential feature of how the war was justified on the Sinhala Buddhist side specifically, not that religion caused the war.

Source In Defense of Dharma: Just-War Ideology in Buddhist Sri Lanka, Tessa J. Bartholomeusz

The SRI Remote Viewing Experiments, Principal CriticDavid Marks and Richard Kammann, who reported in Nature in 1978 that the transcripts carried cues to session order and that the effect vanished when those were removed before judging

The SRI Remote Viewing Experiments, Studies

Standing

Concerns Principal Critic

Currently States David Marks and Richard Kammann, who reported in Nature in 1978 that the transcripts carried cues to session order and that the effect vanished when those were removed before judging

Harold Puthoff and Russell Targ conducted the SRI remote viewing experiments, in which a viewer in a shielded room described a site drawn at random from a sealed pool and later visited by an experimenter, with transcripts matched to sites afterward by judges working blind to the correct answer. David Marks and Richard Kammann, in Information Transmission in Remote Viewing Experiments (1978), examined the transcripts Puthoff and Targ had circulated to outside judges and argued the copies carried inadvertent sequential cues, references to the previous day's target or session number, letting a judge infer the correct order without any paranormal transfer. No allegation of fraud was made; the criticism was of an editing and circulation error rather than fabrication. Puthoff and Targ answered that removing the cued material, as critics proposed, also removed legitimate descriptive content along with it, leaving the reanalysis unable to cleanly separate the two, which is why the principal critique remains disputed on methodological grounds rather than resolved by either side conceding the point.

Source Information Transmission in Remote Viewing Experiments, David Marks and Richard Kammann

The Stevenson Reincarnation Case Collection, Replication StatusNo controlled test of the claim exists or has been proposed; the collection continues at the University of Virginia under Jim Tucker

The Stevenson Reincarnation Case Collection, Studies

Standing

Concerns Replication Status

Currently States No controlled test of the claim exists or has been proposed; the collection continues at the University of Virginia under Jim Tucker

Ian Stevenson, continued by Jim B. Tucker, built a large collection of children's statements said to recall a previous life, documenting each case by recording the child's statements and then searching for a deceased person the statements could match, in some files comparing birthmarks against postmortem medical records. The Society for Psychical Research's Psi Encyclopedia entry on Criticisms of Reincarnation Case Studies records the central structural objection: because Stevenson and his successors typically arrive after the family has already discussed the child's statements and often already identified a candidate previous personality, the documentation captures an account already shaped by the family's own interpretation rather than one recorded independently of any matching process. The method is case documentation rather than controlled experiment, so what is debated is whether the method can rule out family suggestion, cold reading and selective memory for the apparent match, not whether any single laboratory result replicates. Because the objection concerns the structure of the method rather than any one case's specific facts, the replication status of the collection remains debated rather than settled case by case.

Source Criticisms of Reincarnation Case Studies, Psi Encyclopedia (Society for Psychical Research)

The Suppression of the Knights Templar (1307 to 1314), Death Toll Minimum54.000000

The Suppression of the Knights Templar (1307 to 1314), Religious Events

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Minimum

Currently States 54.000000

The fifty four Templars burned at the stake in a single documented mass execution outside Paris in May 1310, after they had retracted confessions extracted under torture and were condemned as relapsed heretics; the single most specific figure the standard scholarly histories (Barber, Partner) give for any one execution event of the campaign.

Source The Trial of the Templars, Malcolm Barber

The Suppression of the Knights Templar (1307 to 1314), Death Toll Maximum500.000000

The Suppression of the Knights Templar (1307 to 1314), Religious Events

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Maximum

Currently States 500.000000

A broader popular estimate for Templars burned at the stake across the whole of France over the campaign's full seven years, repeated in general accounts of the suppression but not independently itemized the way the May 1310 mass burning is. Surviving trial records are incomplete and contradictory, an unknown number of Templars escaped into hiding rather than standing trial, and no source consulted reconciles this wider figure against the documented 1310 event, so the two are kept apart rather than merged into a single invented total.

Source The Murdered Magicians: The Templars and their Myth, Peter Partner

The Synod of Diamper, How Its Legacy Is ContestedHistorians differ on how faithfully the Synod's published acts record what the Saint Thomas Christian delegates actually agreed to versus what Menezes and later Portuguese editors represented as consensus; the community's own preserved memory of the event describes considerably more coercion than the official acts acknowledge.

The Synod of Diamper, Councils and Synods

Standing

Concerns How Its Legacy Is Contested

Currently States Historians differ on how faithfully the Synod's published acts record what the Saint Thomas Christian delegates actually agreed to versus what Menezes and later Portuguese editors represented as consensus; the community's own preserved memory of the event describes considerably more coercion than the official acts acknowledge.

The disagreement concerns how much genuine consent underlay the Synod's decisions, not whether the Synod took place or what it formally decreed, which the surviving acts record in detail.

Source The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 3rd revised edition, F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone (eds.)

The Synod of Elvira, How Its Legacy Is ContestedWhether canon 33's celibacy requirement was genuinely legislated at Elvira in the early fourth century or reflects a later editorial layer added to the canon collection remains debated among historians of the early Latin church; what is not in dispute is that the collection, whatever its exact editorial history, is the earliest substantial surviving body of Western conciliar legislation.

The Synod of Elvira, Councils and Synods

Standing

Concerns How Its Legacy Is Contested

Currently States Whether canon 33's celibacy requirement was genuinely legislated at Elvira in the early fourth century or reflects a later editorial layer added to the canon collection remains debated among historians of the early Latin church; what is not in dispute is that the collection, whatever its exact editorial history, is the earliest substantial surviving body of Western conciliar legislation.

The disagreement concerns the editorial history of one specific canon within the collection, not whether the council itself took place or whether the surviving 81 canons broadly date to the early fourth century.

Source The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 3rd revised edition, F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone (eds.)

The Taiyuan Massacre (1900), Death Toll Maximum2000.000000

The Taiyuan Massacre (1900), Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Maximum

Currently States 2000.000000

Accounts of the wider Shanxi violence Yuxian oversaw through the rest of the summer of 1900, beyond the forty five killed at Taiyuan itself, put the province-wide Chinese Christian death toll as high as two thousand; this figure is not independently itemized the way the Taiyuan killing is and is recorded here as the province-wide upper bound rather than the confirmed toll of the Taiyuan killing described above.

Source Massacre in Shansi, Nat Brandt

The Tajik Civil War (1992 to 1997), Death Toll Minimum23500.000000

The Tajik Civil War (1992 to 1997), Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Minimum

Currently States 23500.000000

Nourzhanov and Bleuer discuss a later demographic study that used vital registration data to put total war deaths at approximately twenty three thousand five hundred, twenty thousand of them in the worst fighting of 1992 alone, a methodologically grounded but likely conservative figure given the incompleteness of civil registration in a country at war.

Source Tajikistan: A Political and Social History, Kirill Nourzhanov and Christian Bleuer

The Tajik Civil War (1992 to 1997), Death Toll Maximum100000.000000

The Tajik Civil War (1992 to 1997), Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Maximum

Currently States 100000.000000

The same book discusses earlier and still frequently repeated estimates reaching as high as one hundred thousand dead, figures common in journalistic and early policy accounts of the war rather than in the later demographic literature.

Source Tajikistan: A Political and Social History, Kirill Nourzhanov and Christian Bleuer

The Tajik Civil War (1992 to 1997), Death Toll AssessmentPublished estimates for the war's death toll vary by a factor of four. Early and frequently repeated accounts put total deaths as high as one hundred thousand, while a later demographic study using Tajikistan's own vital registration data, discussed alongside the higher figures in Nourzhanov and Bleuer's history, arrives at a considerably lower total of approximately twenty three thousand five hundred, twenty thousand of them in 1992 alone, though vital registration in a country at civil war is itself likely incomplete. Neither figure has been adopted by the other camp of researchers as superseding it, and the atlas records both bounds rather than choosing between them.

The Tajik Civil War (1992 to 1997), Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Assessment

Currently States Published estimates for the war's death toll vary by a factor of four. Early and frequently repeated accounts put total deaths as high as one hundred thousand, while a later demographic study using Tajikistan's own vital registration data, discussed alongside the higher figures in Nourzhanov and Bleuer's history, arrives at a considerably lower total of approximately twenty three thousand five hundred, twenty thousand of them in 1992 alone, though vital registration in a country at civil war is itself likely incomplete. Neither figure has been adopted by the other camp of researchers as superseding it, and the atlas records both bounds rather than choosing between them.

Source Tajikistan: A Political and Social History, Kirill Nourzhanov and Christian Bleuer

The Tajik Civil War (1992 to 1997), Religious DimensionThe Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan formed the largest single component of the United Tajik Opposition and was, at the time, the only legally recognized Islamist political party anywhere in former Soviet Central Asia, giving the war a real and internationally noted Islamist dimension. Nourzhanov and Bleuer's history stresses the war was not primarily a religious conflict, however: the Opposition coalition also included secular democratic reformists and regionalist factions with no religious program, and the deeper fault lines ran along regional and clan loyalty, Kulyabi versus Gharmi and Pamiri, inherited from Soviet-era patronage networks rather than from religious doctrine.

The Tajik Civil War (1992 to 1997), Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Religious Dimension

Currently States The Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan formed the largest single component of the United Tajik Opposition and was, at the time, the only legally recognized Islamist political party anywhere in former Soviet Central Asia, giving the war a real and internationally noted Islamist dimension. Nourzhanov and Bleuer's history stresses the war was not primarily a religious conflict, however: the Opposition coalition also included secular democratic reformists and regionalist factions with no religious program, and the deeper fault lines ran along regional and clan loyalty, Kulyabi versus Gharmi and Pamiri, inherited from Soviet-era patronage networks rather than from religious doctrine.

Source Tajikistan: A Political and Social History, Kirill Nourzhanov and Christian Bleuer

The Takkanot of Rabbeinu Gershom, Attributed Author / CompilerAscribed to Gershom ben Judah of Mainz, who died about 1028. Historians hold that several of the ordinances travelling under his name were enacted by later Rhineland synods and gathered under his authority afterwards.

The Takkanot of Rabbeinu Gershom, Religious Legal Instruments

Standing

Concerns Attributed Author / Compiler

Currently States Ascribed to Gershom ben Judah of Mainz, who died about 1028. Historians hold that several of the ordinances travelling under his name were enacted by later Rhineland synods and gathered under his authority afterwards.

Source Pious and Rebellious: Jewish Women in Medieval Europe, Avraham Grossman

The Tauroctony, Point in DisputeWhat the scene means. Franz Cumont read it as an Iranian creation myth carried west, a reading that held for some seventy years and is no longer accepted, and the astronomical readings that replaced it do not agree with one another.

The Tauroctony, Doctrines

Standing

Concerns Point in Dispute

Currently States What the scene means. Franz Cumont read it as an Iranian creation myth carried west, a reading that held for some seventy years and is no longer accepted, and the astronomical readings that replaced it do not agree with one another.

Source The Roman Cult of Mithras: The God and His Mysteries, Manfred Clauss