Divinity Atlas

Sacred Correspondences
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Divinity Atlas

Disputed Statements

Claims this atlas currently marks as unsettled or as tested and found false. A debated fact is one scholars hold competing positions on; a debunked one has been checked against the record and found not to hold. Both are kept in view rather than quietly smoothed over, with the reasoning that put each one where it stands.

3,862 statements.

K, Chaldean Letter Value2

K, Alphabet Letters

Standing

Concerns Chaldean Letter Value

Currently States 2

According To Modern planetary numerology, the scheme called Chaldean

The values recorded here follow Cheiro's Book of Numbers (Cheiro, the pen name of William John Warner, published by Herbert Jenkins, London, 1926), the most widely reproduced version of the so-called Chaldean numerology table. Cheiro's own text names no ancient Chaldean source for the letter values it assigns, and comparing it against other published numerology tables from the same and later periods finds no agreement between them on several letters; no Mesopotamian or Chaldean text has ever been produced that contains a comparable letter-number correspondence. That comparison is why historians of the modern occult treat "Chaldean" as a nineteenth and twentieth century marketing label rather than a checkable lineage claim. The value recorded here is Cheiro's published reading, not a settled fact.

Source Cheiro's Book of Numbers, Cheiro (William John Warner)

Ka'ahumanu, Lifespan or Floruit Start Year1768

Ka'ahumanu, Historical Figures

Standing

Concerns Lifespan or Floruit Start Year

Currently States 1768

The source marks this year circa, its own approximate estimate rather than a fixed date.

Source Encyclopaedia Britannica (online academic reference), Encyclopaedia Britannica editors

Ka'ahumanu, Lifespan or Floruit End Year1832

Ka'ahumanu, Historical Figures

Standing

Concerns Lifespan or Floruit End Year

Currently States 1832

The source marks this year circa, its own approximate estimate rather than a fixed date.

Source Encyclopaedia Britannica (online academic reference), Encyclopaedia Britannica editors

Kaba'ir and Sagha'ir, Meaning in the Attesting SourceWhich acts count as grave sins has no closed list. A hadith received in both of the two principal collections names seven destroying things; manuals working from a criterion instead enumerate into the hundreds.

Kaba'ir and Sagha'ir, Doctrines

Standing

Concerns Meaning in the Attesting Source

Currently States Which acts count as grave sins has no closed list. A hadith received in both of the two principal collections names seven destroying things; manuals working from a criterion instead enumerate into the hundreds.

The Encyclopaedia of Islam, second edition, edited by P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C. E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W. P. Heinrichs (Brill, 2005), records that which acts count as grave sins, kaba'ir, has no closed list: a hadith received in both of the two principal Sunni hadith collections names seven destroying things, while legal manuals working from a criterion instead of a fixed list enumerate into the hundreds. The encyclopedia sets out two classical positions built from that same evidence: one confines the kaba'ir to the enumerated hadith list and treats the seven destroying things as definitive, the other treats that report as illustrative and defines a grave sin by criterion, as any act carrying a fixed legal penalty or an explicit threat of hellfire, curse or divine anger, a criterion applied in works such as Ibn Hajar al-Haytami's al-Zawajir to yield lists running to several hundred items.

Source The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edition, P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C. E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W. P. Heinrichs (eds.)

Kabbalah Centre, Contested or Appropriated Modern UseOrthodox and mainstream Jewish religious authorities have repeatedly criticized the Centre for opening traditionally restricted Kabbalistic study to the general public and for selling branded consumer products in its name, while the Centre and its adherents describe this openness as making a valuable spiritual tradition accessible beyond its historical gatekeeping.

Kabbalah Centre, New Religious Movements

Standing

Concerns Contested or Appropriated Modern Use

Currently States Orthodox and mainstream Jewish religious authorities have repeatedly criticized the Centre for opening traditionally restricted Kabbalistic study to the general public and for selling branded consumer products in its name, while the Centre and its adherents describe this openness as making a valuable spiritual tradition accessible beyond its historical gatekeeping.

Reflects an active disagreement over whether popularizing a closed tradition is a legitimate broadening or a misrepresentation; both positions are held by identifiable communities and neither has been resolved by any outside authority.

Source The Oxford Handbook of New Religious Movements, James R. Lewis (ed.)

Kabbalah Centre, Institutional Wealth or FinancesA former chief financial officer who left the organization in 2009 described the Kabbalah Centre as holding roughly 60 million US dollars in annual revenue, a 200 million US dollar real estate portfolio and a 60 million US dollar investment fund; separately, a US Internal Revenue Service inquiry examined the organization's roughly 260 million US dollars in total assets for possible personal use by the Berg family that controls it.

Kabbalah Centre, New Religious Movements

Standing

Concerns Institutional Wealth or Finances

Currently States A former chief financial officer who left the organization in 2009 described the Kabbalah Centre as holding roughly 60 million US dollars in annual revenue, a 200 million US dollar real estate portfolio and a 60 million US dollar investment fund; separately, a US Internal Revenue Service inquiry examined the organization's roughly 260 million US dollars in total assets for possible personal use by the Berg family that controls it.

Figures come from a departed insider's own account and press reporting on an active IRS inquiry, not from an audited public filing; no confirmed current figure was found.

Source Celebrity-Studded Kabbalah Centre Under Tax Evasion Probe (NBC News/Reuters, 2010)

Kabir, HistoricityHistorically attested

Kabir, Figures

Standing

Concerns Historicity

Currently States Historically attested

The Encyclopedia of Hinduism, edited by Denise Cush, Catherine Robinson and Michael York (Routledge, 2008), records Kabir as a historical poet of Varanasi from a Muslim weaving community, established from the internal evidence of the poetry itself and later biographical tradition, while noting that the biography built up around him is legendary and that the corpus of verse attributed to his name grew for centuries after his death through oral and manuscript transmission.

Source Encyclopedia of Hinduism, Denise Cush, Catherine Robinson and Michael York (eds.)

Kad ࡗ, A Rival System's AttributionThe script's ancestry is assigned either to a cursive form of Aramaic, the derivation favored by most script historians, or to the Parthian chancery script used in Sasanian era administrative documents.

Kad ࡗ, Alphabet Letters

Standing

Concerns A Rival System's Attribution

Currently States The script's ancestry is assigned either to a cursive form of Aramaic, the derivation favored by most script historians, or to the Parthian chancery script used in Sasanian era administrative documents.

According To The Mandaic script

Both derivations are held in the literature and neither has displaced the other. The Aramaic cursive camp points to the letterforms' overall resemblance to other late Aramaic cursive scripts of the region, including Nabataean and Syriac; the Parthian chancery camp points to specific letterforms, including certain medial and final forms, that resemble Pahlavi documentary hands more closely than any Aramaic cursive exemplar. No single find has settled the question, and Mandaic paleography treats it as open pending further comparative work.

Source Iranian Scripts for Aramaic Languages: The Origin of the Mandaic Script, Charles G. Haberl

Kaduna Miss World Riots, Religious DimensionThe riots are widely described as religious violence over an insult to the Prophet Muhammad, the pretext that triggered them. Human Rights Watch found near-unanimous agreement among the Muslims and Christians it interviewed in Kaduna that the newspaper article was not the real cause: it was a trigger for releasing tensions, political and economic as much as religious, that had built up over years, including the still-unresolved aftermath of the 2000 Sharia riots. Henrik Angerbrandt's study situates both episodes within the same structural political competition rather than treating 2002 as a doctrinal dispute in its own right.

Kaduna Miss World Riots, Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Religious Dimension

Currently States The riots are widely described as religious violence over an insult to the Prophet Muhammad, the pretext that triggered them. Human Rights Watch found near-unanimous agreement among the Muslims and Christians it interviewed in Kaduna that the newspaper article was not the real cause: it was a trigger for releasing tensions, political and economic as much as religious, that had built up over years, including the still-unresolved aftermath of the 2000 Sharia riots. Henrik Angerbrandt's study situates both episodes within the same structural political competition rather than treating 2002 as a doctrinal dispute in its own right.

Source Human Rights Watch, "The Miss World Riots: Continued Impunity for Killings in Kaduna" (2003), Human Rights Watch

Kaduna Miss World Riots, Death Toll Minimum250.000000

Kaduna Miss World Riots, Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Minimum

Currently States 250.000000

Human Rights Watch's own 2003 report gives a figure of around 250 people killed between November 21 and 23, 2002, most of them men and boys, alongside 20,000 to 30,000 people displaced. Recorded as a single point estimate rather than a range: no second, comparably rigorous count exists to bound it against, the same discipline this atlas applies to the Lebanese Civil War's Labaki figure.

Source Human Rights Watch, "The Miss World Riots: Continued Impunity for Killings in Kaduna" (2003), Human Rights Watch

Kaduna Miss World Riots, Death Toll Maximum250.000000

Kaduna Miss World Riots, Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Maximum

Currently States 250.000000

See death-toll-min: this atlas records death-toll-min and death-toll-max as the same single figure rather than a true range, because Human Rights Watch's own count of around 250 killed between November 21 and 23, 2002 is the only rigorous figure available, and no second, independently derived count of comparable rigor exists to bound a genuine range against, the same discipline already applied to the Lebanese Civil War's Labaki figure elsewhere in this atlas.

Source Human Rights Watch, "The Miss World Riots: Continued Impunity for Killings in Kaduna" (2003), Human Rights Watch

Kaduna Sharia Riots, Religious DimensionThe riots are widely and popularly described as a religious conflict between Christians and Muslims, a framing the trigger itself invites: a Christian protest against the state's adoption of Islamic criminal law. Human Rights Watch's own investigation, and Henrik Angerbrandt's peer-reviewed study of the crisis through the lens of Nigerian political decentralisation, both argue this framing understates how much the violence was driven by political rivalry between the state's political and ethnic factions over the material stakes of state power, with religious identity supplying the fault line combatants organized along rather than the fighting's actual cause. Angerbrandt situates the Sharia proposal itself inside a wider contest over what powers a decentralising Nigerian federal system left to state governments.

Kaduna Sharia Riots, Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Religious Dimension

Currently States The riots are widely and popularly described as a religious conflict between Christians and Muslims, a framing the trigger itself invites: a Christian protest against the state's adoption of Islamic criminal law. Human Rights Watch's own investigation, and Henrik Angerbrandt's peer-reviewed study of the crisis through the lens of Nigerian political decentralisation, both argue this framing understates how much the violence was driven by political rivalry between the state's political and ethnic factions over the material stakes of state power, with religious identity supplying the fault line combatants organized along rather than the fighting's actual cause. Angerbrandt situates the Sharia proposal itself inside a wider contest over what powers a decentralising Nigerian federal system left to state governments.

Source Henrik Angerbrandt, "Political Decentralisation and Conflict: The Sharia Crisis in Kaduna, Nigeria" (2011), Henrik Angerbrandt

Kaduna Sharia Riots, Death Toll Minimum1295.000000

Kaduna Sharia Riots, Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Minimum

Currently States 1295.000000

The Kaduna State government's own judicial commission of inquiry found at least 1,295 people killed, a figure covering the February violence alone and excluding the further killings in May, as reported in Human Rights Watch's 2003 investigation. This is the narrowest officially documented count and is recorded as the lower bound; Human Rights Watch itself states that the true toll of the combined February-May crisis was never conclusively ascertained.

Source Human Rights Watch, "The Miss World Riots: Continued Impunity for Killings in Kaduna" (2003), Human Rights Watch

Kaduna Sharia Riots, Death Toll Maximum5000.000000

Kaduna Sharia Riots, Wars & Conflicts

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Maximum

Currently States 5000.000000

Human Rights Watch's own broader assessment puts the combined February-May 2000 toll at "at least 2,000 people, and possibly many more"; people interviewed for its 2003 report believed the real number was closer to 5,000, with one journalist describing the later, far smaller 2002 riots as "child's play" by comparison. This atlas records 5,000 as the documented upper end of credible contemporary belief, not as a verified count: Human Rights Watch is explicit that no such count exists.

Source Human Rights Watch, "The Miss World Riots: Continued Impunity for Killings in Kaduna" (2003), Human Rights Watch

Kaf (Ka) ከ, Meaning in the Attesting SourceWhy the script was vocalised in the fourth century CE, after centuries of writing consonants alone, is argued and not settled

Kaf (Ka) ከ, Alphabet Letters

Standing

Concerns Meaning in the Attesting Source

Currently States Why the script was vocalised in the fourth century CE, after centuries of writing consonants alone, is argued and not settled

According To The Ge'ez script

The World's Writing Systems (Peter T. Daniels and William Bright, eds., Oxford University Press, 1996) reviews the Aksumite inscriptions that first show Ge'ez written with vocalisation, a fourth-century CE innovation that is not in dispute, and canvasses three explanations for why it happened then: an internal development inside the Aksumite royal chancery seeking a more precise script for administration; a response to the newly Christian court's need for scripture translated and taught with unambiguous vowels after Aksum's conversion under King Ezana; and influence carried by vocalised Indian scripts reaching the Aksumite court through Red Sea trade contact. Comparing the timing, the epigraphic evidence and the trade record for each explanation, the volume's contributors find none conclusive, since Aksum's fourth-century contacts touched all three at once; the dating of the change is settled, its cause is not.

Source The World's Writing Systems, Peter T. Daniels and William Bright (eds.)

Kaf ك, Meaning in the Attesting SourceOne of the fourteen letters that stand disjoined at the head of a sura

Kaf ك, Alphabet Letters

Standing

Concerns Meaning in the Attesting Source

Currently States One of the fourteen letters that stand disjoined at the head of a sura

According To The disjoined letters of the Quran

The Study Quran: A New Translation and Commentary (Seyyed Hossein Nasr, editor-in-chief, HarperOne, 2015) surveys the classical and modern commentary tradition on the disjoined letters that open certain suras and reports no consensus reached across fourteen centuries of that commentary. The positions it records include that the meaning is known to God alone, that the letters abbreviate divine names or attributes, that they function as an oath, that they present ordinary letters of the language as a rhetorical challenge, and that some began as scribal or collectors' marks later treated as scripture. Comparing the internal textual evidence, which letters occur and in which suras, against the range of proposed readings, the commentary confirms which letters appear where while confirming that none of the proposed meanings has displaced the others.

Source The Study Quran: A New Translation and Commentary, Seyyed Hossein Nasr (editor-in-chief)

Kaffara, Point in DisputeWhether a required feeding may be discharged in money rather than in food, what quantity meets the standard, and how the alternatives are ordered

Kaffara, Doctrines

Standing

Concerns Point in Dispute

Currently States Whether a required feeding may be discharged in money rather than in food, what quantity meets the standard, and how the alternatives are ordered

According To Islam

The Encyclopaedia of Islam, second edition (Brill, 2005), records that the schools of Islamic law differ on whether a required feeding under kaffara, ritual expiation, may be discharged in money rather than in food, what quantity meets the standard, and how the several possible alternatives, feeding, fasting or freeing a slave historically, are ordered relative to one another. The encyclopedia records this as a disagreement about the application of a settled institution rather than about whether the institution of kaffara exists at all, which is the opposite shape to the Christian atonement debates, where the institution itself is agreed and the mechanism is not.

Source The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edition, P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C. E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W. P. Heinrichs (eds.)

Kagyu, GovernanceAuthority in recognised reincarnate lineages

Kagyu, Denominations

Standing

Concerns Governance

Currently States Authority in recognised reincarnate lineages

Since 1992 two candidates have been recognised as the seventeenth Karmapa: Ogyen Trinley Dorje, endorsed by the Dalai Lama and by the Chinese authorities, and Trinley Thaye Dorje, backed by Shamar Rinpoche. The dispute has divided the school's institutions and has been litigated in the Indian courts.

Source The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism, Robert E. Buswell Jr. and Donald S. Lopez Jr.

Kagyu, Defining Doctrinal PositionShentong: buddha-nature empty only of what is extraneous to it

Kagyu, Denominations

Standing

Concerns Defining Doctrinal Position

Currently States Shentong: buddha-nature empty only of what is extraneous to it

The Karma Kagyu after the Third Karmapa, and the nineteenth-century non-sectarian scholars, read buddha-nature in shentong terms. Other Kagyu writers hold a rangtong position closer to the Gelug. The disagreement is internal to the lineage.

Source Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism, John Powers

Kakka ਕ, Origin PeriodSikh tradition credits Guru Angad, the second Guru, with giving the script its settled form in the sixteenth century

Kakka ਕ, Alphabet Letters

Standing

Concerns Origin Period

Currently States Sikh tradition credits Guru Angad, the second Guru, with giving the script its settled form in the sixteenth century

According To The Gurmukhi script

Two reference works give incompatible accounts. The Encyclopaedia of Sikhism (Harbans Singh, editor-in-chief, Punjabi University, Patiala, 1998) carries the Sikh tradition that Guru Angad, the second Guru (1504-1552), devised the script. The World's Writing Systems (Peter T. Daniels and William Bright, eds., Oxford University Press, 1996), surveying the paleography of Indic scripts, holds instead that the letterforms were already in mercantile use in the Punjab as one of the Landa scripts descended from Sharada, and that comparing those existing Landa forms against the Gurmukhi letters attested from Guru Angad's era shows a fixing and standardising of a repertoire already in circulation rather than an invention from nothing. Neither side has displaced the other because the two accounts read different kinds of evidence, a community's own historical memory against a comparative script lineage, and the atlas records both without adjudicating.

Source The Encyclopaedia of Sikhism, Harbans Singh (editor-in-chief)