Divinity Atlas

Sacred Correspondences
Doctrines

Secularization

Also Known As The secularization thesis · disenchantment
Religion and Political Authority

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Origin 1960 to 1999

The secularization thesis held that modernity, through science, differentiation and rationalization, necessarily erodes religion's hold; Weber described a related disenchantment of the world. The thesis has been much revised as religion has persisted and revived in many places, and scholars now speak of differentiation, decline and privatization as separable strands rather than one inevitable trend. It remains a central and disputed frame in the sociology of religion.

Facts
Disputed
Status Within the Tradition
Genuinely disputed within this tradition 1
The Encyclopedia of Religion (Macmillan Reference, 2005) records that the classical secularization thesis, that modernization necessarily brings religious decline, was the sociological consensus through much of the twentieth century. It is now contested, with critics examining global religious trends rather than only Western Europe and pointing to persistent and resurgent religiosity elsewhere as evidence against a single global pattern.
Standing as a Comparative Category
Used, but its validity as a comparative category is disputed 1
The Encyclopedia of Religion (Macmillan Reference, 2005) records that the strong secularization thesis, that modernity necessarily erodes religion, has been abandoned by several of the sociologists who built it, Peter Berger most publicly recanting his own earlier position. A revised version, restricted to Western Europe and to institutional participation rather than to belief, is still argued by other sociologists of religion and still contested by those pointing to persistent religiosity elsewhere.
Origins
Origin Period
1960 to 1999 1
Held By
Cross-cultural 1
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A Thesis That Had to Be Revised

The secularization thesis held that modernity necessarily brings religious decline, that as societies industrialise, urbanise, and become better educated and more scientifically informed, religion loses its social significance, its institutional power and eventually its plausibility. It was close to an assumption of the social sciences for most of the twentieth century, and its ancestry runs through Comte, Marx, Durkheim, Weber's "disenchantment", and Freud.

It was substantially revised from the 1980s onward, and the revision is one of the more instructive episodes in the history of the social sciences, because the evidence against the strong thesis was neither subtle nor contested. The United States was highly modern and highly religious. Religion was expanding rapidly across the global South, with Pentecostalism the fastest-growing religious movement in the world. Religion had returned conspicuously to politics, in the Iranian revolution of 1979, in the American religious right, in Solidarity in Poland, in political Islam and political Hinduism. And global religious adherence was rising in absolute terms. Peter Berger, who had been among the thesis's most prominent proponents, publicly retracted it in the 1990s, describing the assumption that modernisation produces secularisation as mistaken and the world as "as furiously religious as ever".

What survives the revision is real but narrower. Institutional religious practice has declined sharply and durably in Western Europe, in Canada, Australia and New Zealand, and more recently in the United States, where the religiously unaffiliated have grown very substantially since the 1990s. Differentiation, the separation of religious institutions from the state, education, medicine, law and welfare, is a genuine and general feature of modernity, and it is analytically distinct from any decline in belief. And religion has in many societies become a matter of individual choice rather than of inherited communal obligation, which changes its character even where its numbers hold.

Current positions divide accordingly. Jose Casanova distinguishes three claims that the original thesis bundled together, differentiation, decline in practice, and privatisation, and argues that the first holds generally, the second regionally, and the third not at all, since religion has conspicuously re-entered the public sphere. Charles Taylor's A Secular Age (2007) reframes the question as concerning the conditions of belief rather than the number of believers, arguing that what has changed is that belief has become one option among others rather than an unquestioned background. Rational-choice theorists argue that religious vitality tracks market conditions, state-supported monopolies producing complacency and pluralism producing vigour, an account that fits the American and European contrast and has been criticised on other grounds. Grace Davie's "believing without belonging", and its inverse, describe the European case specifically.

The general lesson usually drawn is that Europe is the exception rather than the template, and that a theory built on European experience was over-generalised into a law.

Two States That Chose Secularism Deliberately

Article one's revision of the secularization thesis concerns a process theorists thought was happening on its own. A different and clearer case is where a state deliberately imposed or codified secularism as policy, and comparing two such cases shows the word covers more than one arrangement.

France's laicite, given legal form by the 1905 law separating church and state, is an assertive secularism: the state does not merely decline to establish a religion, it actively excludes religious symbols and authority from public institutions, a principle later extended into contested restrictions on religious dress in state schools. American disestablishment, by contrast, restrains the state from favouring or suppressing religion but is generally read as protecting religious expression in public rather than removing it, producing a far more religiously visible public culture than France's despite both being constitutionally secular.

Turkey's Kemalist reforms after 1923, including the abolition of the caliphate in 1924 and the removal of Islam as the state religion in 1928, imposed a version closer to the French model on a Muslim-majority population from above, through legal and educational institutions rather than gradual social change. That imposed secularism has been substantially contested and partly reversed since the 1980s, and especially under the governing party since the early 2000s, with religious visibility in public life expanding again. The Turkish case is often cited against a simple version of the secularization thesis, since a state can mandate secularization by decree and still see religious practice re-emerge within a few generations.

Cross-Tradition Connections

Related To

Studied as a cross-cultural comparative-religion category rather than a teaching of one named tradition. Classification follows the doctrine's own authored Tradition field (Cross-tradition / Cross-cultural).

Source Encyclopedia of ReligionMircea Eliade (ed.); Lindsay Jones (ed., 2nd ed.)

The secularization thesis was formulated inside the same body of theory, and Berger withdrew his own version of it.

Sources
1. Encyclopedia of Religion
Mircea Eliade (ed.); Lindsay Jones (ed., 2nd ed.), Macmillan Reference, 2005SecularizationView the Source
The Sociology of Religion
Max Weber; Ephraim Fischoff (trans.), Beacon Press, 1963Rationalization and disenchantment
2010 U.S. Religion Census: Religious Congregations and Membership Study
Association of Statisticians of American Religious Bodies, Association of Statisticians of American Religious BodiesOn measured religious adherence and its distribution
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