Divinity Atlas

Sacred Correspondences
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Divinity Atlas

Disputed Statements

Claims this atlas currently marks as unsettled or as tested and found false. A debated fact is one scholars hold competing positions on; a debunked one has been checked against the record and found not to hold. Both are kept in view rather than quietly smoothed over, with the reasoning that put each one where it stands.

3,862 statements.

The Watchmaker Analogy, Status Within the TraditionGenuinely disputed within this tradition

The Watchmaker Analogy, Doctrines

Standing

Concerns Status Within the Tradition

Currently States Genuinely disputed within this tradition

The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (2024 edition) records that David Hume raised sustained objections to design arguments of this type in his Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion decades before William Paley published the watchmaker analogy itself in 1802. Charles Darwin's theory of natural selection later offered a documented mechanism producing complex biological structures without an intending designer, and the analogy remains disputed today as an argument for design specifically because that mechanism exists as an alternative explanation.

Source Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward N. Zalta and Uri Nodelman (eds.)

The Way International, Adherents Today17000.000000

The Way International, New Religious Movements

Standing

Concerns Adherents Today

Currently States 17000.000000

The Way International keeps no formal congregational rolls, organizing instead as informal home fellowships, so no direct membership count exists. Encyclopedia.com's entry uses attendance at the organization's annual Rock of Ages festival as a rough proxy: about 1,000 in 1969, rising to about 17,000 by 1983, its evident high-water mark. Membership fell sharply after founder Victor Paul Wierwille's 1985 death amid leadership schisms and sexual-abuse allegations, though no comparably precise later figure was located and is not asserted here.

Source The Way International (Encyclopedia.com), David G. Bromley

The Way International, Membership Figure As Of1969-01-01

The Way International, New Religious Movements

Standing

Concerns Membership Figure As Of

Currently States 1969-01-01

The Rock of Ages festival attendance figure for 1969 (about 1,000 attendees), used as a rough membership proxy because The Way International keeps no formal congregational rolls; this is the organization's earliest documented data point in the source consulted, well before its evident 1983 peak.

Source The Way International (Encyclopedia.com), David G. Bromley

The Way International, Membership Figure As Of1983-01-01

The Way International, New Religious Movements

Standing

Concerns Membership Figure As Of

Currently States 1983-01-01

The Rock of Ages festival attendance figure for 1983 (about 17,000 attendees), used as a rough membership proxy because The Way International keeps no formal congregational rolls; this is the organization's evident high-water mark, reached shortly before founder Victor Paul Wierwille's 1985 death and the leadership schisms and abuse allegations that followed.

Source The Way International (Encyclopedia.com), David G. Bromley

The Way International, Basis of the Membership FigureScholarly or Demographic Estimate

The Way International, New Religious Movements

Standing

Concerns Basis of the Membership Figure

Currently States Scholarly or Demographic Estimate

Encyclopedia.com's reference entry uses attendance at The Way International's annual Rock of Ages festival as a proxy for membership, since the organization keeps no formal congregational rolls; the entry does not claim festival attendance equals actual membership, only that it tracks the organization's rough size over time.

Source The Way International (Encyclopedia.com), David G. Bromley

The Way International, Membership Over TimeA proxy measure, not a membership count. About 1,000 people attended The Way International's annual Rock of Ages festival in 1969, used by scholars as a rough proxy for membership since the organization keeps no formal congregational rolls.

The Way International, New Religious Movements

Standing

Concerns Membership Over Time

Currently States A proxy measure, not a membership count. About 1,000 people attended The Way International's annual Rock of Ages festival in 1969, used by scholars as a rough proxy for membership since the organization keeps no formal congregational rolls.

A proxy measure, not a direct membership count, drawn from a scholarly reference entry rather than an organizational disclosure; see the paired 1983 figure for the same organization's evident later peak.

Source The Way International (Encyclopedia.com), David G. Bromley

The Way International, Membership Over TimeBy 1983, Rock of Ages festival attendance had grown to about 17,000, the organization's evident peak; membership fell sharply after founder Victor Paul Wierwille's death in 1985 amid leadership schisms and abuse allegations, though no comparably precise later figure was located.

The Way International, New Religious Movements

Standing

Concerns Membership Over Time

Currently States By 1983, Rock of Ages festival attendance had grown to about 17,000, the organization's evident peak; membership fell sharply after founder Victor Paul Wierwille's death in 1985 amid leadership schisms and abuse allegations, though no comparably precise later figure was located.

A proxy measure, not a membership count; the organization's evident peak before a sharp post-1985 decline.

Source The Way International (Encyclopedia.com), David G. Bromley

The Wedding at Cana, HistoricityThe episode appears only in John, the latest written of the four canonical Gospels and the one most scholars treat as the most theologically shaped in its narrative choices, and is not corroborated by the earlier Synoptic tradition.

The Wedding at Cana, Religious Events

Standing

Concerns Historicity

Currently States The episode appears only in John, the latest written of the four canonical Gospels and the one most scholars treat as the most theologically shaped in its narrative choices, and is not corroborated by the earlier Synoptic tradition.

Source The Birth of the Messiah: A Commentary on the Infancy Narratives in Matthew and Luke, Raymond E. Brown

The Wedding at Cana, Skeptical ExplanationThe episode appears only in John, and historical-critical scholars are divided on how much historical incident, if any, underlies a story so tightly woven into John's symbolic presentation of Jesus.

The Wedding at Cana, Miracles

Standing

Concerns Skeptical Explanation

Currently States The episode appears only in John, and historical-critical scholars are divided on how much historical incident, if any, underlies a story so tightly woven into John's symbolic presentation of Jesus.

The Wedding at Cana, where John's Gospel reports Jesus turning water into wine, appears only in that one Gospel, with no parallel in Matthew, Mark or Luke. Raymond E. Brown's The Gospel According to John I-XII (Anchor Bible, vol. 29, 1966), his standard scholarly commentary and translation of the Gospel's first twelve chapters, surveys the positions scholars take on the story's origin. The method is form-critical and redactional, reading the narrative's structure and its placement as the first of John's signs against the rest of the Gospel's compositional patterns and against what can be inferred about material John may have inherited from earlier tradition. Some scholars read Cana as an early tradition John received and reshaped; others read it as a Johannine composition with no independent historical tradition behind it. Because the same narrative details support both readings, Brown's commentary presents both without resolving between them.

Source The Gospel According to John I-XII, Raymond E. Brown

The Wiccan Rede, Attributed Author / CompilerDisputed: Lady Gwen Thompson (as the poem's actual author) or Adriana Porter (as the family source Thompson credited)

The Wiccan Rede, Doctrines

Standing

Concerns Attributed Author / Compiler

Currently States Disputed: Lady Gwen Thompson (as the poem's actual author) or Adriana Porter (as the family source Thompson credited)

Ronald Hutton's The Triumph of the Moon: A History of Modern Pagan Witchcraft (Oxford University Press, 1999) examined the transmission history of the Wiccan Rede poem, first published by Lady Gwen Thompson in the Wiccan journal Green Egg in 1975, who credited it to her grandmother Adriana Porter as its family source. Hutton's method was documentary, searching for any independent record of the poem predating that 1975 publication, and finding none; historians of Wicca are accordingly divided between accepting Thompson's account of family transmission and suspecting she composed the poem herself and attributed it to her grandmother for authority.

Source The Triumph of the Moon: A History of Modern Pagan Witchcraft, Ronald Hutton

The Words of Ahiqar, Era of Composition Start Year-700

The Words of Ahiqar, Other Writings

Standing

Concerns Era of Composition Start Year

Currently States -700

The story is set at the Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian courts of the seventh century BCE, but the oldest surviving text is an Aramaic manuscript from the Jewish colony at Elephantine dated to roughly the fifth century BCE, and scholars disagree over how much older the underlying story tradition is than that surviving copy. The span given here runs from the narrative setting to the surviving manuscript.

Source Babylonian Wisdom Literature, W. G. Lambert

The Words of Ahiqar, Era of Composition End Year-450

The Words of Ahiqar, Other Writings

Standing

Concerns Era of Composition End Year

Currently States -450

The story is set at the Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian courts of the seventh century BCE, but the oldest surviving text is an Aramaic manuscript from the Jewish colony at Elephantine dated to roughly the fifth century BCE, and scholars disagree over how much older the underlying story tradition is than that surviving copy. The span given here runs from the narrative setting to the surviving manuscript.

Source Babylonian Wisdom Literature, W. G. Lambert

The Words of Institution, Scholarly NoteThe four New Testament accounts differ, and the shorter and longer texts of the Lukan passage have been argued over for more than a century

The Words of Institution, Rituals

Standing

Concerns Scholarly Note

Currently States The four New Testament accounts differ, and the shorter and longer texts of the Lukan passage have been argued over for more than a century

The words of institution, Jesus's words over the bread and cup at the Last Supper, survive in a shorter and a longer form in the manuscript tradition of Luke's Gospel, and New Testament textual critics divide over which is earlier. The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, third revised edition, edited by F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone (2005), records one camp holding the shorter Lukan text is original and the longer form a later assimilation to the wording Paul gives in 1 Corinthians, and another camp holding the reverse, that the longer form is original and the shorter an early scribal abbreviation. The method is textual criticism, weighing the surviving Greek manuscript witnesses for each reading, their date, geographic distribution and internal consistency, since no autograph survives to settle the question directly. The choice materially changes the shape of the passage read in worship, and because the manuscript evidence itself is genuinely divided, both readings remain in print in current critical editions rather than one having displaced the other.

Source The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 3rd revised edition, F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone (eds.)

The Würzburg Witch Trials, Estimated ExecutionsNo figure is established. Contemporary execution lists survive for parts of the episode, the records are incomplete, and different accounts count the city, the diocese and the wider territory differently.

The Würzburg Witch Trials, Religious Events

Standing

Concerns Estimated Executions

Currently States No figure is established. Contemporary execution lists survive for parts of the episode, the records are incomplete, and different accounts count the city, the diocese and the wider territory differently.

Totals in circulation for Würzburg vary widely and several are repeated without a stated basis. The atlas states the character of the episode, that the condemned included children, students, servants, councillors and clergy of the bishop's own church, and declines to state a number.

Source Witches and Witch-Hunts: A Global History, Wolfgang Behringer

The Würzburg Witch Trials, Death Toll Minimum219.000000

The Würzburg Witch Trials, Religious Events

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Minimum

Currently States 219.000000

The surviving execution list, from Hauber's 1745 Acta et Scripta Magica, documents 219 executions within the city of Wurzburg proper through February 1629, covering only part of the trials, which continued to 1631.

Source Brian P. Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe (4th ed., 2016), Brian P. Levack

The Würzburg Witch Trials, Death Toll Maximum900.000000

The Würzburg Witch Trials, Religious Events

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Maximum

Currently States 900.000000

The traditional total for Prince-Bishop Philipp Adolf von Ehrenberg's entire reign, 1623 to 1631, across the whole bishopric, including children as young as seven and dozens of priests. Levack treats confessional-era figures at this scale with caution given the hostile Counter-Reformation sources they descend from.

Source Brian P. Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe (4th ed., 2016), Brian P. Levack

The Xhosa Cattle-Killing Prophecy of 1856-1857, Documented ResponseThe scholarly record is divided on how to weigh Xhosa religious agency against colonial pressure in explaining why the prophecy took hold and what followed it. Jeff Peires's standard history rejects both the colonial era claim that Xhosa chiefs had engineered the killing as a war plot and the rival claim that Governor Sir George Grey's administration had engineered it to seize Xhosa land, arguing instead that the movement grew from genuine religious conviction responding to a genuine crisis, a cattle lung sickness epidemic already destroying Xhosa herds since 1854, layered onto decades of frontier war and land loss. Peires nonetheless documents that Grey's administration, once the famine began, withheld relief from many of the starving and used the catastrophe to seize land and press survivors into colonial labor. Other historians, Helen Bradford prominently among them, have argued that Peires's own account still under-reads Xhosa agency and the internal social tensions, particularly around gender and generational authority, that the prophecy itself addressed, part of a wider critical re-examination of nineteenth century Cape frontier historiography, in the tradition of the colonial-agency method Julian Cobbing applied to other Southern African upheavals of the same period, that presses harder on colonial responsibility for precipitating the crisis rather than only exploiting it afterward. This record states both readings rather than settling between them.

The Xhosa Cattle-Killing Prophecy of 1856-1857, Prophecies

Standing

Concerns Documented Response

Currently States The scholarly record is divided on how to weigh Xhosa religious agency against colonial pressure in explaining why the prophecy took hold and what followed it. Jeff Peires's standard history rejects both the colonial era claim that Xhosa chiefs had engineered the killing as a war plot and the rival claim that Governor Sir George Grey's administration had engineered it to seize Xhosa land, arguing instead that the movement grew from genuine religious conviction responding to a genuine crisis, a cattle lung sickness epidemic already destroying Xhosa herds since 1854, layered onto decades of frontier war and land loss. Peires nonetheless documents that Grey's administration, once the famine began, withheld relief from many of the starving and used the catastrophe to seize land and press survivors into colonial labor. Other historians, Helen Bradford prominently among them, have argued that Peires's own account still under-reads Xhosa agency and the internal social tensions, particularly around gender and generational authority, that the prophecy itself addressed, part of a wider critical re-examination of nineteenth century Cape frontier historiography, in the tradition of the colonial-agency method Julian Cobbing applied to other Southern African upheavals of the same period, that presses harder on colonial responsibility for precipitating the crisis rather than only exploiting it afterward. This record states both readings rather than settling between them.

Source Women, Gender and Colonialism: Rethinking the History of the British Cape Colony and Its Frontier Zones, c. 1806 to 1870, Helen Bradford

The Yazidi Genocide, Death Toll Minimum3100.000000

The Yazidi Genocide, Religious Events

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Minimum

Currently States 3100.000000

The retrospective household mortality survey's own estimate of Yazidis killed in the initial August 2014 attack on Sinjar, the lower documented bound from a single systematic study; wider accounts of the full campaign, including deaths in captivity, range higher without a single agreed total.

Source Mortality and kidnapping estimates for the Yazidi population in the area of Mount Sinjar, Iraq, in August 2014: A retrospective household survey, Valeria Cetorelli and others

The Yazidi Genocide, Displaced (Low Estimate)400000.000000

The Yazidi Genocide, Religious Events

Standing

Concerns Displaced (Low Estimate)

Currently States 400000.000000

The Commission of Inquiry's own account of Yazidis displaced from the Sinjar region by the August 2014 assault; the precise figure is contested amid years of shifting displacement camp populations across northern Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan.

Source "They Came to Destroy": ISIS Crimes Against the Yazidis, Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic, United Nations

The Yazidi Genocide, Death Toll Maximum4400.000000

The Yazidi Genocide, Religious Events

Standing

Concerns Death Toll Maximum

Currently States 4400.000000

The same retrospective household survey's own upper 95 percent confidence bound for Yazidis killed (2,100 to 4,400), against the 3,100 central estimate recorded as death-toll-min. The width reflects the extrapolation method of a household mortality survey rather than a direct body count; mass grave exhumation across the Sinjar region remains incomplete as of 2026, so no fully counted total exists to replace either figure.

Source Mortality and kidnapping estimates for the Yazidi population in the area of Mount Sinjar, Iraq, in August 2014: A retrospective household survey, Valeria Cetorelli and others