Divinity Atlas

Sacred Correspondences
Studies

The Origin of Tituba of Salem Village

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This is a small question with an outsized effect on how one of the best known episodes in American religious history gets told. The 1692 court papers describe Tituba as an Indian. Later retellings made her African, or of mixed descent, and gave her a role as the importer of Caribbean magic into a Puritan household, which the record does not support and which conveniently relocates the cause of the Salem crisis outside the community that produced it. Breslaw's study works the documentary trail back through Barbados and argues for an Arawak taken from South America. The argument is careful and it is indirect, and other readings of the same thin record remain available. What can be said without qualification is what was done to her.

Facts
Disputed
State of the Question
Elaine G. Breslaw's Tituba, Reluctant Witch of Salem: Devilish Indians and Puritan Fantasies (New York University Press, 1996) works the documentary trail on Tituba's origin back through Barbados and argues for an Arawak woman taken from South America, against the 1692 court papers' own description of her simply as an Indian and against later retellings that made her African or of mixed descent. Breslaw's argument is careful but indirect, and the question remains open: no new documentary evidence has settled it, and the state of the question is now largely about how to weigh the thin and indirect records that survive. 2
Open Questions
Transmission
The best available reconstruction argues from indirect records, including the movement of the Parris household through Barbados, for an Arawak taken from South America. It is careful, it is circumstantial, and it has not closed the question. 2
No documentary evidence of her birth or passage has been found, and it may not exist. The question is recorded as unresolved rather than answered. See the open question attached to this study for what would settle it.
Scholarship
Where It Is RecordedSourced to the subject's own account
The surviving Salem court papers, held in Massachusetts repositories and published in transcription by the University of Virginia archive. They record her enslaved status, her examination, her testimony, her imprisonment and her release, and describe her as an Indian. 1
Method
Investigators
Elaine G. Breslaw and others working the Salem, Barbados and Massachusetts records. 2
Learn More
A Question the Record Does Not Answer

Tituba appears in the documentary record as a legal object and a witness, and in almost no other capacity. The Salem papers record that she was enslaved in the household of the Reverend Samuel Parris, that she was examined at the beginning of March 1692, what she said, that she was gaoled, and that she was released in 1693 when her fees were paid. They describe her as an Indian. They do not record where she was born, when, how she came to Massachusetts, or what happened to her afterwards.

That silence is ordinary. Enslaved people appear in colonial records at the moments they touch property, law or the church, and the records are kept for the benefit of the people who owned them. A question about her origin is therefore a question about indirect evidence: shipping and inventory records, the movement of the Parris household, the vocabulary colonial clerks used for different peoples, and what the word Indian meant in a Massachusetts court in 1692.

Elaine Breslaw's study is the serious attempt at it. Working that indirect trail, she argues that Tituba was an Arawak taken from South America and brought to Massachusetts by way of Barbados, where Parris had lived. The argument is careful, and it is circumstantial, and it has not closed the question. The atlas records it as unresolved rather than adopting it, and records what has been asserted without evidence separately, as false.

Why the Answer Has Been Filled In So Often

The gap has never stayed empty for long, and what gets put into it is revealing.

In the nineteenth century Tituba became African, or half African, and acquired a repertoire: voodoo, obeah, fortune telling, a circle of girls in a kitchen learning forbidden arts from a servant. None of that is in the 1692 papers. It arrived through fiction, popular history and, later, drama and school teaching, and it has been extraordinarily durable. Ask most people what started Salem and they will describe that kitchen.

The reason it is durable is that it is useful. It supplies the crisis with a foreign origin. If the trouble came in from outside, carried by an enslaved woman with strange practices, then the Puritan community that hanged nineteen of its own neighbours, pressed one man to death and let others die in gaol is a victim of contamination rather than the author of what it did. That is a comfortable story and it is not true. The theology, the courts, the accusations and the executions were all local.

So the honest handling of the question has two parts, and they must not be merged. What has been asserted about her without evidence is marked false, because a great deal has been. What is genuinely unresolved is marked unresolved, with the best available reconstruction named and its limits stated, so that a historian with new material knows exactly where the gap is.

She is also, throughout, a person and not a plot device.

Cross-Tradition Connections

Studied

The unresolved question of her origin, and of what the courts meant by the word they used for her.

The question of where she was born and how she reached Massachusetts is unresolved.

Sources
1. Salem Witch Trials Documentary Archive and Transcription Project
University of Virginia, University of Virginia Librarythe holders' own account
2. Tituba, Reluctant Witch of Salem: Devilish Indians and Puritan Fantasies
Elaine G. Breslaw, New York University Press, 1996View the Source
Open Questions (1 open question)
What does the description of Tituba as an Indian in the 1692 papers actually denote?

The word carried a wide and shifting range in a Massachusetts court of the period, and the clerks who used it were not making an ethnographic determination. The reconstruction of an Arawak origin by way of Barbados rests on that word plus indirect household and shipping records, and no direct evidence of her birth or passage has been found.

What would resolve this A study of how colonial Massachusetts clerks used the term across a large corpus of records in the same decades, set against any direct documentary trace of her arrival.
Colonial American archival history; historical linguistics of legal and administrative usageElaine G. Breslaw, Tituba, Reluctant Witch of Salem: Devilish Indians and Puritan Fantasies
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